- The author Brigadier (Retd.) Asif Haroon Raja, is a retired Brig, war veteran, defence security and political analyst, columnist, author of five books, ex-chairman TFP, Patron-in-chief CDS Think Tank, Director Meesakh Research Centre, Chief Election Commissioner Tehreek-e-Jawanan Pakistan, takes part in TV talk shows daily.
- *The views and opinions expressed herein, and any references, are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of the Centre for Development and Stability (CDS).
Seismic shifts in global and regional dynamics are taking place in the aftermath of the four-day India–Pakistan war, which shattered several myths, stunned the world, and elevated a previously isolated and sidelined Pakistan to a position of prominence.
Breaking the myth of Afghan invincibility during the week-long border clashes was another milestone that further enhanced Pakistan’s prestige and the reputation of its armed forces.
The success of Pakistan’s military and political diplomacy, combined with the civil-military leadership’s resolve to transform the country into a hard state through governance reforms and a robust development agenda, has opened new windows of opportunity for rapid progress and self-reliance.
For the first time in decades, avenues for growth are wide open, inviting Pakistan to capitalize on them. The country, long accustomed to being on the defensive and beset by recurring crises, is now turning the tide.
Through astute diplomacy, Pakistan has strengthened ties with all major powers without antagonizing any. It is unprecedented that every major global player now seeks friendship with Pakistan.
India, once the darling of the West since the 1990s, has fallen from grace. The myth of “Shining Bharat” has faded, and New Delhi is no longer seen as a dependable bulwark for the United States. Prime Minister Modi’s political career stands in jeopardy.
Pakistan, in contrast, has emerged as a net regional stabilizer and a credible bridge between South and West Asia. Every week brings news of new strategic or defense partnerships being signed. Economic indicators are steadily improving, and the economy is on a promising upward trajectory.
Following the defense pact with Saudi Arabia, other GCC states are now preferring Pakistan’s security umbrella over that of the United States — a shift that Washington appears willing to accommodate.
For the first time, Pakistan has dealt proactively with the hostilities of India, Iran, and Afghanistan. Iran is no longer overtly hostile and has begun targeting BLA elements on its soil.
The scourge of foreign-sponsored terrorism is being crushed with courage and will soon be eliminated. The Khawarij, their facilitators, and backers — internal and external — are being dealt with firmly. Border management has vastly improved, curbing gun-running, illegal smuggling, and drug trafficking.
Punjab is leading the provinces in governance, resolve, and the skillful handling of chronic moral, social, and extremist ailments.
The Army’s brainchild — SIFC — along with CPEC, has regained momentum through the participation of local and foreign investors. The vision of Uraan Pakistan could well redefine the nation’s destiny.
However, obstacles remain. The PTI, its government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, certain regionalist parties in Balochistan, and segments of the social media landscape continue to resist the state’s counterterrorism measures in KP and Balochistan. They oppose drone strikes despite terrorists employing them, and reject the repatriation of illegal Afghan refugees who have become economic, social, and security liabilities.
They object to Pakistan’s hard stance against the Afghan Taliban regime, now acting as a proxy of India and reviving territorial claims over Pakistani Pashtun regions. Their sympathy for the TTP — whose 5,000 armed militants were resettled in KP in 2021 — is especially troubling.
PTI’s politics remain rooted in negativity, confrontation, and chaos — opposition for the sake of opposition — under the banner of Haqiqi Azadi. Personality worship has reached levels that surpass even the Bhutto era.
In their rigid worldview, the only cure for Pakistan’s ills is the release and restoration of Imran Khan — nothing less. Yet can Pakistan afford divisive elections in the current volatile geopolitical environment? What the nation urgently needs is unity and continuity to reap the benefits of the present strategic momentum.
The jailed populist, consumed by rage and vendetta, has neither displayed a roadmap nor outlined how he would deliver. His rhetoric remains a repetition of old promises — to turn dust into gold and water into honey.
He was tested and fully backed by all power centers for nearly a decade, yet failed for lack of vision, planning, and understanding of governance, diplomacy, or statecraft. Instead, he relied on mysticism, the influence of his wife Bushra Bibi, and the manipulative political maneuvers of Faiz Hamid.
His government deepened national ailments, fixating on self-projection, populism, and divisive rhetoric. Rather than uniting a fragmented nation, he promoted a cult that filled young minds with resentment and hate.
The social media echo chambers and drawing-room warriors of this cult now proclaim themselves the only “clean and visionary” citizens — dismissing all others as corrupt or incompetent.
The state’s policy, however, is now clear and resolute: enough is enough. Pakistan will no longer tolerate vandalism or violent defiance. As the new KP Chief Minister Afridi — no less a rabble-rouser than his predecessor Gandapur — confronts the state, preparations for another showdown in Islamabad this November are already underway.
The state has demonstrated its writ in dealing with the TLP, which now stands banned, its accounts frozen, and its leaders facing prosecution. Is PTI heading in the same direction?
Sober voices within PTI and among its former members urge restraint, advising the hawks to abandon their self-destructive path and adopt constitutional and democratic norms.
If the Form-47 government in KP — rejected by other parties — is legitimate, then why not the other provincial governments? If the 2018 elections were fair, what is wrong with 2024? Since 1970, has any general election in Pakistan been entirely free and fair?
Why did PTI not prioritize electoral and judicial reforms during its tenure? Why did it squander its energy on vendettas instead of fulfilling its pledges of eliminating corruption and driving prosperity?
Other than Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Awami League, no political party in Pakistan has ever directly confronted the state — until PTI.
Never before did veterans side with a political party over the Army or the State. That taboo has now been broken by cult politics, which has polarized the nation, corrupted the educated class, divided households, and torn apart the social fabric of society.
