Attending the 25th Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Tianjin was not just another assignment. It was an insight into how regional politics, economics, and diplomacy are recalibrating before our eyes. The atmosphere carried less of the usual protocol-driven multilateralism and more of a sense that something was shifting. President Xi Jinping’s headline announcement – the Global Governance Initiative (GGI) – framed that mood. He laid out five guiding principles for global order: sovereign equality, adherence to international law, a renewed commitment to multilateralism, governance that puts people at the center, and outcomes grounded in action.
- What Tianjin Showed
- Pakistan’s Openings
- The Wider Context
- Bottom Line
- The author Dr. Irfan Ashraf, is the Director General of CDS, a well-known Journalist, and a political analyst who contributes to Daily Sabha and various channels.
- *The views and opinions expressed herein, and any references, are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of the Centre for Development and Stability (CDS).
What made the summit more than rhetoric were the deliverables. Beijing pledged a RMB 2 billion grant this year for SCO states, along with RMB 10 billion in new credit through the Interbank Consortium spread over three years. Scholarships will be doubled, a new innovative PhD track will be launched, and ten Luban vocational workshops will be established across member states. Four new regional security centers will also begin work. For Pakistan, the question is no longer whether the SCO matters. It is how quickly the country can align state capacity and private capital to seize the opportunities, especially with the Pakistan–China B2B Investment Conference scheduled in Beijing on September 4, right on the sidelines of this summit.
What Tianjin Showed
The SCO is beginning to look less like a talk shop and more like a platform with teeth. This year, member states did not limit themselves to declarations. They launched four specialized centers — to counter security challenges, fight drugs, strengthen information security, and combat transnational organized crime. They also adopted the SCO Development Strategy to 2035, along with 24 outcome documents covering areas from security to trade and cultural exchange. These steps are signals that the organization is institutionalizing capacity.
China’s financial and human capital commitments were particularly notable. The grants and concessional loans offer member states quick-access resources. The scholarships, PhD programs, and vocational training centers translate into something more long-term — the building of skilled workforces and research ecosystems. For Pakistan, with over 25 million out-of-school children and a pressing need for technical education, this is a lifeline waiting to be tapped.
Equally important is the shift toward new economic frontiers. Energy, green industry, and the digital economy are now at the heart of the SCO’s future agenda. China proposed three platforms to advance these sectors, alongside centers dedicated to science, higher education, and vocational training. Beijing even tied concrete targets to the proposals, such as boosting renewable energy capacity and opening artificial intelligence applications to all SCO members.
The political mood was equally instructive. Leaders from Russia, Central Asia, Iran, India, and Pakistan found common cause in talking about multipolarity, connectivity, and rules-based cooperation rather than confrontation. While tensions remain between some members, the deliberate choice of words created diplomatic space for functional cooperation to continue.
Pakistan’s Openings
For Pakistan, Tianjin was not simply a venue for speeches. It opened specific entry points. The first is money. Islamabad can tap into the RMB 2 billion grant by designing “small and beautiful” projects in water management, health, agriculture, and skills. The RMB 10 billion in concessional credit, spread over three years, can be tied to larger infrastructure and industrial schemes. But the projects must be shovel-ready, which requires planning now.
The second opening is skills. Pakistan should move quickly to host one of the ten Luban vocational workshops. It should also secure slots in the expanded scholarship and new PhD programs, especially in areas like artificial intelligence, semiconductors, renewable energy, fintech, and agritech. These are not abstract priorities. They are the skill sets needed to match future investments in industry.
The third opening is linking CPEC with SCO. The second phase of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is built around special economic zones. These can be pitched as pilot hubs within SCO’s new platforms on energy, green industry, and digital economy. From EV assembly to battery production, Pakistan has a chance to position CPEC as more than a bilateral corridor.
Artificial intelligence is another door opening. Pakistan should seek early membership in the proposed AI application cooperation center. Smart grids, crop yield prediction, customs digitization, and port logistics are low-hanging fruits where AI pilots can be applied quickly.
Security, often seen as a stumbling block, can be turned into an enabler. By linking with the new SCO centers on counterterrorism and organized crime, Pakistan can reduce risk perceptions along trade corridors. Lower insurance premiums and better investor confidence follow when security cooperation is credible.
Finally, trade facilitation needs urgent focus. Pakistan can push for a “Green Channel” for perishables such as mangoes, citrus, and seafood. Harmonized standards, pre-clearance, and cold-chain upgrades under SCO umbrellas would give exporters the boost they need.
The Wider Context
Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s focus on the Indus Waters Treaty was more than symbolism. By placing water disputes within the SCO frame, he underlined Pakistan’s preference for rules and treaties over confrontation. This matters as Pakistan also advocates for cross-border infrastructure resilience and satellite-based water monitoring.
A notable diplomatic development on the sidelines of the summit was the formal establishment of diplomatic relations between Pakistan and Armenia. Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar and his Armenian counterpart signed a joint communiqué in Tianjin, reaffirming their commitment to the UN Charter and agreeing to enhance cooperation in areas such as economy, education, culture, and tourism. This marks a significant policy shift, as Pakistan had historically sided with Azerbaijan in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The move comes in the wake of a U.S.-brokered peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan, signaling a broader geopolitical recalibration in the region.
Meanwhile, even limited stabilization in China–India optics matters for Pakistan. A cooler temperature between the two giants reduces ambient risk, giving Islamabad more room to push trade and connectivity. Pakistan can lean into cooperation where possible and keep disputes in diplomatic or legal channels.
The SCO narrative itself is also helpful. Its emphasis on multipolarity without bloc politics resonates with Pakistan’s approach to diversified diplomacy. It allows Islamabad to align with the Global South while keeping its focus on growth.
Bottom Line
The Tianjin summit delivered more than communiqués. It brought a toolkit Pakistan can use now — money, scholarships, skills workshops, security mechanisms, and platforms in energy, green industry, and digital economy. The upcoming Pakistan–China B2B Investment Conference in Beijing on September 4 will be the first real test.
The opportunity space is real. What matters is whether Pakistan can deliver at home with discipline and credibility. The SCO has given Pakistan a stage and the instruments. The next move is ours.
