Shanghai Cooperation Organization: From Inception to the 2025 Summit

Shanghai Cooperation Organization Summit 2025

Shanghai Cooperation Organization: From Inception to the 2025 Summit

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) stands today as a vital regional bloc, influencing the political, security, and economic dynamics of Eurasia. Born out of a necessity to stabilize borders and deepen trust among neighboring states, it has evolved into a multi-dimensional platform promoting peace, development, and regional cooperation.

As we move toward the SCO Summit 2025 in Tianjin, China, let’s delve into its origin, objectives, membership, structural framework, accomplishments, and current trajectory.

The Formation and Historical Context

The Beginning: Shanghai Five (1996)

The roots of the SCO trace back to April 26, 1996, when China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan came together to form what was initially called the Shanghai Five.

This alliance focused primarily on confidence-building measures along shared borders, reducing military presence, and promoting good-neighborly relations after the dissolution of the Soviet Union.

Annual meetings between the heads of state encouraged regional diplomacy and laid the foundation for more structured cooperation in broader areas.

Evolution into the SCO (2001)

With Uzbekistan’s inclusion in 2001, the Shanghai Five transformed into the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). The move marked the formal expansion of the group’s scope from border issues to a comprehensive regional cooperation mechanism. The official SCO Charter was signed in 2002, institutionalizing the organization’s core principles and operational mechanisms.

Fundamental Objectives and Principles

The SCO was built on a foundation of mutual trust and respect, promoting a set of strategic objectives that include:

  • Fostering mutual trust, friendship, and good neighborly relations among member states.
  • Strengthening regional peace, stability, and security through joint efforts and shared strategies.
  • Encouraging collaboration in politics, trade, energy, education, and technology.
  • Establishing a balanced, equitable, and democratic global order based on international law.

The SCO emphasizes non-interference in internal affairs, sovereign equality, and mutual respect for national integrity, distinguishing it from Western-led security alliances.

Member States and Expansion Timeline

Founding Members (2001):

  • China
  • Russia
  • Kazakhstan
  • Kyrgyzstan
  • Tajikistan
  • Uzbekistan

Expansion Phase:

  • India and Pakistan (2017): Their entry added immense geopolitical weight and introduced new strategic dimensions.
  • Iran (2023): Marked a significant outreach into the Middle East and expanded the SCO’s influence westward.
  • Belarus (expected full accession by 2024-25): Strengthens ties with Eastern Europe and balances the Eurasian partnership.

Observers and Dialogue Partners:

The SCO also maintains relations with observer states (like Afghanistan and Mongolia) and dialogue partners, including Turkey, Azerbaijan, Armenia, and ASEAN countries—demonstrating a broader diplomatic reach.

Organizational Structure and Functions

The SCO operates through a well-defined institutional framework:

  • Council of Heads of State: The highest authority, setting strategic direction and policy goals.
  • Council of Heads of Government: Deals with economic and trade policies.
  • Council of Foreign Ministers: Oversees implementation of decisions and coordinates international engagement.
  • SCO Secretariat (Beijing): Handles administrative tasks and communication.
  • Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) in Tashkent: A core unit for intelligence sharing and counter-terrorism coordination.

These institutions work together to ensure smooth functioning and collective decision-making across member nations.

Major Achievements of the SCO

Regional Security and Anti-Terrorism

Security remains a cornerstone of SCO’s mission:

  • The SCO has launched joint military exercises and anti-terror drills, such as “Peace Mission,” enhancing interoperability among armed forces.
  • RATS has helped thwart thousands of extremist threats and coordinated surveillance operations across member countries.
  • The organization has developed joint mechanisms to monitor cyber threats, narcotics trafficking, and organized crime.

Economic Collaboration

Though economic cooperation has grown slower than security cooperation, significant steps have been taken:

  • Infrastructure Connectivity: Projects like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) have been supported by SCO members, including CPEC between China and Pakistan.
  • Trade Facilitation: Efforts to reduce customs duties, improve cross-border trade routes, and promote regional investment forums have been launched.
  • Energy Dialogue: There are ongoing discussions around establishing an SCO Energy Club to coordinate energy production and distribution.

Cultural and Educational Integration

The SCO promotes intercultural ties and mutual understanding:

  • Organizing annual cultural festivals, film weeks, and youth forums to showcase the rich heritage of member states.
  • Facilitating student exchange programs, scholarship opportunities, and educational cooperation through SCO University networks.

Challenges and Limitations

Despite many accomplishments, the SCO faces persistent challenges:

  • Diverse Interests: The vast geographical, political, and economic diversity among members often complicates consensus.
  • India-Pakistan Rivalry: Their bilateral tensions sometimes spill over into SCO discussions, affecting unity.
  • Limited Economic Institutionalization: The lack of a strong economic union or free trade area limits full-scale economic integration.
  • Perception of Anti-West Sentiment: While not officially an “anti-NATO” bloc, critics argue the SCO serves as a counterweight to Western influence, especially due to the leading roles of China and Russia.

The Road to SCO 2025: Current Developments

2024 Astana Summit Recap

The 2024 Summit, hosted in Astana, Kazakhstan, laid the groundwork for deeper collaboration:

  • Focused on regional peacebuilding, especially in the context of Afghanistan and Central Asia.
  • Discussions emphasized environmental cooperation, with plans to establish a joint action framework for climate change.
  • Promoted the idea of a common digital currency for trade within SCO.

Upcoming SCO Summit 2025 in Tianjin, China

Scheduled for late 2025, the Tianjin Summit is expected to be a landmark event:

  • Review of past commitments: Assessing the performance of trade pacts, education initiatives, and defense cooperation.
  • Strengthening digital collaboration: Exploring a joint data sharing network for AI and cyber defense.
  • Energy and food security strategy: Proposing long-term solutions to energy dependency and food insecurity across Eurasia.
  • Formalization of Belarus’s membership and potential inclusion of new dialogue partners from Southeast Asia or Africa.

This summit will also commemorate 25 years of the SCO, offering a symbolic moment to reflect on the journey and plan for the next quarter-century.

Conclusion: A Strategic Eurasian Future

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization has evolved from a border security alliance into a comprehensive regional institution. While it faces internal diversity and external perceptions, its commitment to multilateralism, collective security, and inclusive development has given it legitimacy and endurance.

As the world navigates a shifting geopolitical landscape, the SCO’s continued relevance will depend on its ability to adapt, include, and innovate. With the 2025 Tianjin Summit on the horizon, the SCO stands at a critical juncture poised either to solidify its position as a Eurasian powerhouse or to confront deeper internal fissures.

One thing is clear: in an era of rising multipolarity, the SCO is not just a regional forum, it’s a strategic pillar in shaping the future of global governance.

The writer is affiliated with the State News Agency and contributes her research to the think tank, CDS.
*The views and opinions expressed herein, and any references, are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of the Centre for Development and Stability (CDS).