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US Sanctions on Pakistan: A Case of Selective Enforcement

Maimona Saleem
Last updated: June 23, 2025 10:29 am
Maimona Saleem
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Historical Context of Pakistan’s Nuclear Program

Pakistan’s Journey to become a nuclear power is closely linked with regional security dynamics. In the late 1950s, Pakistan began its nuclear program for peaceful purposes. But then the geopolitical situation, especially the nuclear tests conducted by India on May 11 and 13, 1998, necessitated a shift.  In response, Pakistan conducted its own nuclear tests on May 28, 1998, and declared itself as a nuclear power.

Contents
Historical Context of Pakistan’s Nuclear ProgramAnalysis of US Sanctions on PakistanPakistan’s ResponseExperts OpinionConclusionThe writer is a senior researcher at the Centre for Development and Stability (CDS).*The views and opinions expressed herein, and any references, are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of the Centre for Development and Stability (CDS).

This historical backdrop highlights Pakistan’s pursuit of strategic parity with India due to regional rivalries. Because every state has the responsibility to safeguard its national security, which is both a fundamental duty and an essential right. However, this development also drew scrutiny and sanctions from global powers, particularly the United States (US).

Analysis of US Sanctions on Pakistan

SANCTIONS

The US has once again imposed sanctions on Pakistan-based companies. The recent sanctions bring attention to longstanding tensions related to nuclear non-proliferation and missile development in South Asia.

On December 18, the US, State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller stated, “In light of the continuing proliferation threat of Pakistan’s long-range missile development, the United States is designating four entities for sanctions pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13382, which targets proliferators of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery,”

Sanctions were imposed on the Islamabad-based National Dev­elop­ment Complex (NDC) and three Karachi-based companies: Affiliates International, Akhtar and Sons Private Limited, and Rockside Enterprise. The US alleges that these entities were involved in transferring missile technology and equipment under restrictions. Further, claimed that Pakistan’s National Development Complex (NDC) plays a central role in developing of ballistic missiles, including the SHAHEEN-series ballistic missiles.  

This step lines up with previous rounds of sanctions targeted Pakistan, China, and the UAE, mentioning their so-called role in advancing missile and drone technology. For example, in April 2024, four companies from Belarus and China were blacklisted for supplying missile-related items to Pakistan. The US validates these moves as part of its commitment to preventing the proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD). Matthew Miller emphasized that the US would act against procurement activities linked to WMDs wherever they occur.

The US non-proliferation tactic for selective enforcement faces criticism and weakens the credibility of global non-proliferation efforts.  While Pakistan faces repeated sanctions and scrutiny, India despite its extensive nuclear buildup and membership in the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), mostly escapes comparable actions. This inequality supports one regional power at the expense of another and raises questions about the genuineness of the US commitments to regional peace and security. By imposing sanctions on entities linked to Pakistan’s missile development, the US may seek to strengthens ties with India.

Pakistan’s Response

Pakistan

A statement issued by the Foreign Office on December 19, stated, “Pakistan considers the US decision to impose sanctions on NDC and three commercial entities as unfortunate and biased. Pakistan’s strategic capabilities are meant to defend its sovereignty and preserve peace and stability in South Asia,”.

The Foreign Ministry, through spokesperson Mumtaz Zahra Baloch, termed the sanctions biased and discriminatory.  She also highlighted double standards and discriminatory practices that undermine the credibility of non-proliferation regimes and endanger both regional and international peace and security.

She further emphasized, “Pakistan’s strategic program is a sacred trust bestowed by 240 million people upon its leadership. The sanctity of this trust, held in the highest esteem across the entire political spectrum, cannot be compromised.” 

Experts Opinion

maleeha lodhi

Maleeha Lodhi, Pakistan’s former ambassador to the US, stated that sanctions have ‘zero’ impact on Pakistan’s missile development program efforts. Further she also condemned the U.S. for its discriminatory treatment of Pakistan, stating that no Pakistani could support such actions.

Earlier, in September 2024, Tughral Yamin, a former military official, viewed the US sanctions as a US tactic to pressure China and indirectly Pakistan. He expressed confidence that Pakistan’s missile programme has achieved significant maturity and that such moves would not hamper its progress. This came after the US government announced a new round of sanctions targeting a Pakistan company and several Chinese entities and one individual for supplying equipment and technology for what it claimed was the development of ballistic missiles in Pakistan.

Conclusion

The latest sanctions imposed by the US on Pakistan aimed at controlling nuclear proliferation and missile development in South Asia, seem unfair and discriminatory. Particularly, India’s exemption from such actions, reflects a different underlying motive. Although, these measures are unlikely to derail Pakistan’s missile programme.

For Pakistan the sanctions are another chapter in its history of navigating international scrutiny while pursuing strategic security goals. However, the international community must tread carefully to balance non-proliferation objectives with equitable treatment of all nations and avoid actions that can exacerbate tensions in an already volatile region.

The writer is a senior researcher at the Centre for Development and Stability (CDS).
*The views and opinions expressed herein, and any references, are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of the Centre for Development and Stability (CDS).
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