Part Two
Asif Haroon Raja
The Baloch Sardars
Balochistan constitutes about 44 percent of Pakistan’s landmass, yet it remains the country’s least populated province, with a widely scattered population.
The Baloch are the largest ethnic group, followed by the Pashtuns and the Brahui. The Pashtuns predominantly inhabit the northern districts bordering Afghanistan.
One of the major factors that has impeded the province’s political, social, and economic development is the entrenched Sardari system, which has concentrated power in the hands of a small tribal elite and constrained the emergence of a strong middle class.
There are approximately 70 large, medium, and small tribal chiefs, commonly known as Nawabs and Sardars, representing around 46 Baloch tribes. Among the prominent tribes are the Bugti, Marri, Mengal, Bizenjo, Jamali, Rind, and Raisani.
Critics of the Sardari system argue that, for decades, many tribal chiefs discouraged modern education and socio-economic development in their respective areas in order to preserve their traditional authority.
Some maintained private detention facilities and armed militias to enforce tribal control. Consequently, many tribal communities remained impoverished and underdeveloped, while the Sardars continued to dominate provincial politics and enjoy the privileges of power.
Several influential Sardars, particularly from the Marri, Bugti, and Mengal tribes, have also been associated with successive insurgencies in Balochistan.
Pakistani authorities have long alleged that elements within these movements received support from hostile foreign intelligence agencies.
At the political level, the Sardars have consistently blamed the federal government, Punjab, and the military establishment for the province’s underdevelopment.
They maintain that Balochistan’s natural resources have been exploited without providing adequate benefits to the local population. They have also highlighted issues such as enforced disappearances and missing persons as evidence of political injustice.
The Bugti Tribe
Nawab Akbar Bugti was once regarded as one of the most influential and trusted Baloch leaders within Pakistan’s political system. He served as both Governor and Chief Minister of Balochistan and was among the largest recipients of royalty payments from the federal government for natural gas produced in his tribal areas.
Relations with the state deteriorated after disputes over royalty payments and political authority. In 2004, he took up arms against the State and retreated into the mountains.
He died in October 2006 during a military operation when the cave in which he had taken shelter collapsed. His supporters blamed the Musharraf government for his death, while the authorities maintained that it occurred during the course of the operation.
His death became a turning point, transforming him into a symbol of Baloch resistance and giving renewed momentum to the separatist movement.
His grandson, Brahamdagh Bugti, later emerged as the leader of the Baloch Republican Army (BRA) and has since lived abroad.
Within the Bugti family, however, political affiliations remain divided. Sarfraz Bugti, also from Dera Bugti, serves as the Chief Minister of Balochistan. Other members of the family, including Shahzain Bugti and several relatives, have remained active within Pakistan’s political system, while others have pursued separate political paths.
The Marris
The late Nawab Khair Bux Marri remained one of the most influential tribal leaders in Balochistan for decades.
His son, Hairbyair Marri, has been associated with the Baloch National Movement and lives abroad, while another son, Nawab Changez Marri, has remained active in mainstream provincial politics as a member of the Provincial Assembly.
The contrasting political choices within the same family illustrate the divisions that exist even among prominent Baloch tribes.
The Mengals
Sardar Akhtar Mengal, leader of the Balochistan National Party (Mengal), has remained one of the most prominent political figures in the province. He has served as Chief Minister and has also held other senior political offices. His father, Sardar Attaullah Mengal, also served as Chief Minister of Balochistan.
For many years, Akhtar Mengal maintained a working relationship with successive federal governments. However, following his political marginalisation after the 2018 elections, his stance became increasingly confrontational towards the federation and the military establishment.
He has consistently highlighted the issues of missing persons and enforced disappearances, claiming that thousands of Baloch have disappeared. State institutions dispute these figures and maintain that the actual number of unresolved cases is significantly lower.
As Akhtar Mengal spent considerable time abroad, particularly in Dubai, the missing persons campaign increasingly came to be associated with Dr. Mahrang Baloch.
Following her recent arrest, Mengal once again assumed a more visible role, organising protests, calling for shutter-down strikes, and leading a long march from Wadh to Quetta.
He has repeatedly argued that Balochistan has been subjected to decades of neglect and discriminatory treatment by the federation.
To reinforce this narrative, he recently stated on social media that had Balochistan not possessed an 800-kilometre coastline and abundant mineral wealth, Pakistan’s rulers would have been willing to part with the province just as East Pakistan was separated in 1971.
His remarks generated strong criticism. Several social media users accused him of benefiting personally from extensive mining leases in Wadh, Khuzdar, Bolan, Mach, and other areas while simultaneously portraying himself as a champion of deprived Baloch communities.
They alleged that successive generations of tribal elites accumulated substantial wealth through the exploitation of local resources while little of that wealth reached ordinary tribesmen.
These allegations highlight an important aspect of the debate: critics increasingly question whether Balochistan’s underdevelopment can be attributed solely to federal policies, or whether decades of tribal dominance have also contributed significantly to the province’s problems.
Supporters of the federation also challenge the assertion that Pakistan is “devouring” Balochistan’s mineral wealth. They point out that, according to 2024 economic data, the mining and minerals sector contributes only around 3 percent to Pakistan’s GDP, while mineral exports account for only a tiny fraction of total national exports. They therefore argue that the claim requires a more nuanced assessment.
A recurring question also remains: what lasting development did the Sardars bring to their own constituencies during the many years they held power?
Critics argue that despite repeatedly occupying the offices of Governor, Chief Minister, federal minister, and parliamentarian, few transformational projects can be attributed directly to their leadership.
They contend that many tribal leaders enjoyed the benefits of power while in office, but adopted an anti-state narrative after losing political influence.
Another notable feature of successive insurgencies is that many prominent tribal leaders themselves chose exile in Afghanistan, Europe, or elsewhere, while ordinary tribesmen bore the human cost of prolonged conflict.
For decades, narratives portraying the federation as Punjab-dominated and the Pakistan Army as a “Punjabi Army” have been central themes of Baloch nationalist politics. These narratives continue to shape political discourse within the province.
Southern Balochistan, particularly areas associated with the Mengal tribe, remains one of the most volatile regions of the province. Various militant organisations have operated in these areas, while several prominent nationalist activists also hail from this region.
To be concluded in Part Three
About the Author
Brigadier (Retd) Asif Haroon Raja, SI (M) is a war veteran. He is Command and Staff Course and War Course qualified, holds an MSc in War Studies, and served as Defence Attaché in Egypt and Sudan, as well as Dean of the Corps of Military Attachés in Cairo.
He is a defence, security, and geopolitical analyst, columnist, featured columnist of IntelDrop magazine Washington, author of five books, former Chairman of Thinkers Forum Pakistan, Patron-in-Chief of Centre for Development Studies Think Tank, Director of Meesakh Research Centre; he regularly appears on media platforms.
